In Welfare for Markets: A Global History of Basic Income, Anton Jäger and Daniel Zamora seek to explain how such an ideologically diverse crew could come to share this particular vision of the welfare state. Providing an intellectual history of the origins and ascendence of the idea of a universal basic income — which in recent years has become a major plank in progressive reform platforms — they show that its broad appeal is evidence of a tectonic shift in the ways thinkers both left and right have come to understand both the welfare state and the market. And here lies perhaps the most important lesson surrounding contemporary calls for a UBI. Unable to imagine a society in which the state could build a new commons — an infrastructure that would answer the needs of ordinary people — left proponents of basic income have used the market to fill in the gaps in their policy recommendations and, more seriously, their political imaginations. Unable to imagine a welfare state where needs were collectively determined, UBI has allowed its supporters on the Left to recast “sovereign citizens” as “sovereign consumers,” now empowered by the state to participate more thoroughly (and, so the argument goes, more equitably) in market relations. Put so simply, the idea has a certain intuitive appeal. Yet Friedman’s proposal dovetailed felicitously with several key intellectual developments of the period. The economics profession of the interwar period had been deeply shaped by the “socialist calculation debate” over the possibility of a directly planned economy that erupted in the wake of World War I. In their defense of a free market price system, many economists began to stress its unique capabilities of coordination and efficiency. The field moved to increasingly hardline opposition to collective or state-led determination of needs: instead, welfare—in the sense of preference satisfaction—would have to emerge spontaneously from the aggregated choices of individual consumers. Many maintained that the radical incommensurability of individual desires gave economics no scientific basis on which to advocate income redistribution. By the late 1930s these propositions had become axiomatic for the Anglo-American “neoclassical” mainstream, so much so that even left-leaning economists in this period began to endorse the ultimate efficiency of the price system. Socialist planners, economists such as Oskar Lange and Abba Lerner suggested, should merely build in targets and objectives into prices, and then leave the clearing and equilibrating processes of the market well enough alone.

The aim of this legislation is to ensure a high standard of welfare for all animals passing through markets. In the developing world, the turn to cash transfer policies (from child support to microloans) as a strategy, which the authors consider to be related to basic income, coincides quite closely with the breakdown of earlier developmentalist economic strategies, and the neoliberal regime enforced by imperialist states, through the IMF and international debt. Instead of the potential for development to threaten the interests of imperialist countries, ‘a narrower understanding of poverty alleviation and basic needs would be promoted, brushing aside the problem of global inequality and the division of labour’ (p.144).Animals should be penned together with their own species and different species must not be mixed. You can help the market staff by advising them of groups that may be more suitable for mixing - e.g. those that have been reared together - and avoid mixing groups containing animals of different sizes unless they have been reared together. Natural England is another Defra agency that works to ensure sustainable use and management of the natural environment. It hosts events around the country, including cross compliance farm walks and farming drop-in clinics. You must have your competence independently assessed if you transport animals by road, on journeys over 65km, in connection with an economic activity. This only applies to domestic species of cattle, sheep, pigs, goats, domestic equidae and poultry.

If you’re importing from the EU to the UK or transiting Great Britain you must get an EU journey log from the competent authority in the country of origin in the EU. Animal transport certificates Supporters of basic income on the left might object that, of course, that’s not the direction their programme would take. However, it comes down to a question of structural power. Instituting a basic income does not challenge capitalist class power one jot. This is in contrast, for example, to the original nature of the NHS, which insulated a major part of social life from the market, which is why the ruling class hate it so much. Therefore, once any basic-income system was instituted, the pressure would be on to push the minimum-income level downwards and discard remaining public services; at the least economic downturn, the call would be that the nation can’t afford such a high level of provision, and it must go down for the sake of competitiveness, or the national debt, or whichever pretext lies most easily to hand. Equally, all public services would be even more vulnerable to the demands of austerity than they are already.

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Local authorities have primary responsibility for enforcing welfare legislation at markets. Animal and Plant Health Agency ( APHA) also has a role to play in helping to ensure that high standards are consistently achieved. APHA maintains a presence at markets to monitor compliance. Further information WAMO is enforced by local authorities, who identify problems at markets, and AHVLA officials, who regularly visit and inspect markets. WHAMOPSO